Tuesday, November 10, 2026

Military Space: The risks of escalation

Big test for the Pentagon’s space plans coming in 2028
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11/10/2026

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By Sandra Erwin


Welcome to SpaceNews' Military Space, your source for the latest developments at the intersection of space and national security. In this week's edition: when space conflict raises nuclear risks. Also, 2028 is the Pentagon’s show-me year for military space.


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After revealing weapons in orbit, Space Force starts explaining its strategy


Two months after the Pentagon acknowledged for the first time that the U.S. has weapons operating in orbit, the Space Force is beginning to say more about what those capabilities are supposed to accomplish and how they fit into a broader military competition that is moving rapidly beyond passive satellite defense.


Chief of Space Operations Gen. Douglas Schiess said at the Mitchell Institute last week that the September disclosure was a deliberate deterrence move approved at senior levels of the Pentagon. The idea was straightforward: Deterrence requires both a capability and the will to use it, but adversaries also need to know the capability exists.


“It all comes down to deterrence,” Schiess said. The decision to acknowledge the weapons “went all the way up” through Pentagon leadership and was intended to let potential adversaries know that the U.S. has systems in orbit capable of protecting the joint force.


Air Force Secretary Troy Meink broke the longstanding silence Sept. 14 when he said the United States has “on-orbit space control weapons capable of defending the Joint Force against hostile adversary action.” The Pentagon has not described the systems or even said whether they are kinetic or non-kinetic.


Schiess declined again to provide those details, including how the Space Force is balancing weapons in orbit against counterspace systems based on Earth. But he said that mix is now part of the service’s force-design work and future budget planning.


That fits squarely with the direction Schiess has laid out since becoming chief in September. One of his three priorities is to “arm and grow the guardian force,” a notable choice of words for a service that only a few years ago was reluctant even to talk publicly about offensive operations in space. In his first message to guardians, Schiess said the service’s mission is to achieve and maintain space superiority, while stressing that the purpose is deterrence rather than confrontation.


Schiess described three broad military responsibilities for the Space Force: protecting U.S. forces from attacks enabled by enemy satellites; defending American space systems, potentially including commercial satellites supporting national security; and continuing to provide capabilities such as missile warning, communications and GPS.


He also suggested that tactically responsive launch, previously associated largely with replacing damaged satellites or demonstrating rapid access to orbit, could have a more active counterspace role. If an adversary moved a spacecraft close to a U.S. satellite, Schiess said, the Space Force might need to “quickly put something up to that satellite” either to defend the U.S. spacecraft or “to take actions against that satellite as well.”


Schiess said the service’s planned expansion is being driven in part by “incredible growth in space control and space superiority missions." The Space Force has requested thousands of additional military and civilian personnel as it takes on new responsibilities such as moving-target tracking to the Space Data Network and offensive and defensive space operations.


Gen. Douglas Schiess, chief of space operations of the U.S. Space Force spoke last week at a Mitchell Institute Schriever Spacepower Series event held at the Air & Space Forces Association’s headquarters in Arlington, Va. Credit: Jud McCrehin/ Air & Space Forces Association

From resilience to response 


A recent CSIS paper by retired Space Force Lt. Gen. DeAnna Burt and senior fellow Kari Bingen notes that for much of its short history, the Space Force concentrated on the first two elements of its “competitive endurance” strategy: avoiding surprise by improving space-domain awareness and denying an adversary a first-mover advantage through resilient, proliferated satellite architectures.


The third element, “responsible counterspace campaigning,” was less visible. The acknowledgment of orbital weapons changes that equation, they wrote, giving the service a publicly acknowledged ability to respond rather than merely absorb an attack.


But disclosure is only the beginning. Burt and Bingen make the case that turning orbital weapons into a credible military capability will require better intelligence, targeting and battle-management systems; operational concepts for how the weapons would be used; exercises and potentially on-orbit demonstrations; and clearer rules on who has authority to employ them. They also say classification barriers will have to come down enough for the rest of the joint force and U.S. allies to incorporate the systems into military planning.


A weapon kept completely secret may preserve operational advantage, but it has limited deterrent value if an adversary does not understand broadly what it can do.


Schiess said the Space Force was monitoring in real time a recent close approach by a Russian spacecraft to a U.S. commercial satellite, a reference to the Russian Cosmos 2612 satellite’s maneuver near an Iceye imaging satellite supporting Ukraine. Schiess described the episode as an example of potential adversaries using activity in orbit to signal that “we have a capability,” and said the service is studying the encounter for lessons about what such behavior means for U.S. assets and those of allies and partners.


Schiess said some critics questioned whether the U.S. acknowledgment would encourage Russia and China to put weapons in orbit. His response was essentially that the competition is already underway as Beijing and Moscow have been developing counterspace capabilities for years.


The escalation problem


The harder question is what happens once those weapons are actually used.

Schiess acknowledged that the Space Force is still working through the escalation implications. Satellites once divided relatively neatly between strategic nuclear missions and conventional military operations increasingly serve both. Missile warning and communications systems, for example, can support both nuclear deterrence and conventional forces.


That means an attack intended to degrade conventional military operations could be interpreted as threatening nuclear command and control.


Schiess said the service is having those discussions with U.S. Strategic Command and senior Pentagon leaders but is still “working through what that exactly looks like and how that affects every operation.”


Former Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall put the problem more starkly during a recent Nuclear Threat Initiative discussion.


Kendall said space creates an “enormous first mover advantage” because adversaries can watch each other continuously. “The fight for space would be immediate, and it might be decisive,” he said. Regarding anti-satellite systems, Kendall said China is “well ahead,” although he cautioned that the U.S. has capabilities, including “soft kill” systems, that remain largely undisclosed.


Kendall argued that the increasingly blurred boundary between conventional and nuclear space systems raises the danger of unintended escalation. He suggested there could eventually be value in the U.S., China and Russia identifying some strategic satellites as effectively off limits, although doing so would require a level of dialogue that does not currently exist.


The U.S. spent years quietly building capabilities for a conflict in space. But the unresolved question is how much the Pentagon needs to reveal for that deterrence strategy to work without making an already unstable military competition in orbit even harder to manage.


The military space race to 2028


The U.S. military is investing in a new space architecture built around proliferated constellations, more maneuverable satellites and space systems designed for combat operations.


The Space Force has set ambitious goals to start demonstrating these capabilities less than two years from now. That makes 2028 something of a show-me year for military space.


The highest-profile deadline is President Trump's Golden Dome missile defense initiative.


Trump said when he unveiled Golden Dome in 2025 that it should be operational before his term ends in January 2029. The Pentagon has since set a more limited near-term goal, with initial capabilities targeted for 2028 and the broader architecture extending well into the next decade.


Among the biggest tests will be space-based interceptors. The Space Force has awarded prototype agreements to 12 companies worth as much as $3.2 billion to develop interceptors that could eventually be stationed in low Earth orbit.

The goal for 2028 is an initial demonstration integrated with Golden Dome, not an operational constellation.


Tracking targets from space


The Space Force awarded SpaceX a $4.16 billion agreement this year for an initial Space-Based Airborne Moving Target Indicator constellation, or SB-AMTI, designed to track aircraft from low Earth orbit. The service expects an initial capability by 2028.


The war with Iran has added urgency to that effort. Iranian drones and missiles repeatedly struck U.S. early-warning radars, communications equipment and other military targets across the Middle East, exposing the vulnerability of fixed sensors and aircraft operating from regional bases. An Iranian strike in March damaged an E-3 Sentry radar aircraft at Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia. Those losses underscore the Pentagon's push to add a persistent sensing layer in space that is less dependent on vulnerable ground sites and airborne surveillance platforms.


SB-AMTI is intended to help track airborne threats from orbit, although the Space Force has acknowledged that the initial 2028 constellation will not provide continuous coverage of every target everywhere.


SpaceX also has a $2.29 billion agreement for the Space Data Network Backbone, which is supposed to move information rapidly between satellites and military users.


Taken together, those programs will offer an early test of whether the Pentagon can move missions traditionally performed by surveillance aircraft into orbit, and whether putting large pieces of a satellite architecture under a vertically integrated company such as SpaceX can speed deployment.


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Military Space: The risks of escalation

Big test for the Pentagon’s space plans coming in 2028  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌...