Tuesday, February 10, 2026

GNSS Integration Shouldn't Mean Going It Alone

U.‌S.‌-engineered OEM GNSS receivers and antenna systems for in-orbit platforms.‌
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Military Space: Aligning commercial capabilities with demand

Plus: Foreign military sales of space tech projected to grow
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02/10/2026

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By Sandra Erwin


Welcome to this week's edition of SpaceNews' Military Space, your source for the latest developments at the intersection of space and national security. In this week's edition: The Space Force is working to integrate "Front Door" into acquisition and lawmakers signal larger ambitions for defense spending in 2027.


If someone forwarded you this edition, sign up to receive it in your inbox every Tuesday. And we're eager to hear your feedback and suggestions. You can hit reply to let me know or DM me on Signal @SandraErwin.43.

The Space Force last month established a service component at U.S. Northern Command. Based in Colorado Springs, the command's core missions — missile warning, missile defense, and aerospace defense — depend heavily on space-based sensors, communications and tracking. This is part of a broader Space Force push to embed service components across combatant commands, signaling a shift from "space as support" to space as an operational warfighting domain. Credit: U.S. Space Force

Space Force builds 'Front Door' to industry. Now it has to use it.


The U.S. Space Force has spent the last two years urging startups and new entrants to raise their hands through its "Front Door" portal, a centralized system meant to make it easier for commercial companies to market their technologies to the national security space enterprise. Companies have been encouraged to upload capability descriptions, technical data and contact information with the promise that doing so would increase visibility across the force.


By the Space Force's own accounting, that part has worked. Officials at Space Systems Command, which runs the portal, say hundreds of companies have registered since the program was established in 2023, creating a catalog of commercial space capabilities that did not previously exist. It includes more than 1,700 submissions from over 1,400 companies.


The harder phase


What comes next is more complicated. Accumulating data is only useful if it changes how the government actually buys technology.


A goal this year is "to make sure that our program offices are actually using this and they tap into it," said Lt. Col. Timothy Trimailo, head of Space Systems Command's Commercial Space Office (COMSO).


Speaking last week at the Miami Space Summit, Trimailo said that vetted company data can help program managers conduct market research, but he also acknowledged persistent industry concerns. "I get a lot of feedback on the Front Door," he said, noting that while companies have done what the Space Force asked of them, acquisition offices do not yet consistently pull from the database when shaping requirements or sourcing solutions.


"I need to make it easier for you all to actually get into this system and get something out of it," Trimailo told the audience. "We're gonna be working on that."


Many doors, not one


One reason the Front Door has not fully delivered on its promise is structural. The portal is designed as a single point of entry, but it sits atop a national security space market where funding authority, requirements generation and contract execution are widely dispersed.


Within the Space Force alone, acquisition decisions are split among multiple commands and program offices. Beyond that, companies often find themselves navigating buyers across the intelligence community, the Missile Defense Agency, the Space Development Agency, the military services, combatant commands and innovation organizations such as Defense Innovation Unit and SpaceWERX. Each operates on different timelines, contracting vehicles and budget cycles.


Trimailo said COMSO is now exploring automation tools to help "connect some of the various front doors that are out there with the Space Force front door that we operate ... so bear with us as we do some of that," he said.


Former Pentagon space policy official John Plumb, now head of strategy at satellite manufacturer K2 Space, said companies trying to navigate the Front Door process have to be prepared to spread resources across a large number of potential customers.


The Pentagon is a "massive waterfront," Plumb said at the Miami summit. "There is no one front door, even if people work in offices that think they're the front door, there are just a whole bunch of front doors." Some, he added, "don't go anywhere."


"I felt like it was a house of mirrors," Plumb said.


Leveraging capital


Trimailo said COMSO is taking a broader look at how the Space Force engages commercial industry and how existing tools can be better aligned. One focus area is SpaceWERX, the Space Force's innovation arm and primary interface with venture-backed startups.


SpaceWERX relies heavily on the Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) and Small Business Technology Transfer (STTR) pipeline, but Trimailo emphasized that the program has deliberately moved away from treating those awards as stand-alone research grants. Instead, the Space Force uses SpaceWERX to align solicitations with operational needs and to pair companies with government customers. The program is  on hold pending congressional reauthorization of SBIR, but once restored, Trimailo said the intent is to make SBIR "more of an on-ramp to follow-on procurement."


SpaceWERX is also explicitly designed to draw in private capital. Through "Strategic Funding Increases," companies that secure outside investment can qualify for larger awards. The Space Force treats private investment as a signal of commercial viability, while investors view government backing as validation of national security relevance.


Trimailo said he wants to expand the pool of investor firms working with the Space Force and improve transparency around demand signals. "Private investment firms do great due diligence," he said. "We do a different type, but they can coexist very nicely."


The requirements problem


Even with better portals and capital alignment, requirements remain a sticking point. COMSO is now participating in Pentagon working groups examining requirements reform, with an eye toward opening the aperture to nontraditional solutions.


Plumb argued that legacy requirements can undermine the very commercial innovation the Pentagon says it wants. He pointed to ESPA rings — a decades-old standard that constrains satellite size and form factor — as an example of how entrenched assumptions can exclude newer platforms.


"K2 is a large satellite. We fit inside the fairing of a Falcon 9, but we definitely don't fit on an ESPA ring," Plumb said. While those requirements may have once made sense, he argued they now disadvantage commercial options that could otherwise meet mission needs.


"It may be that K2 or other companies are not the right answer," Plumb said. "But these requirements are just anti-competitive."


In short, the Space Force has succeeded in convincing industry to show up at the Front Door. The next test is whether the institution behind that door is able to change how it interacts with companies.


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Space Force bets on growing space FMS market


Even as U.S. relations with some allies are strained and partners talk more openly about strategic autonomy, the Space Force is projecting growing Foreign Military Sales demand. That suggests confidence that, in a contested space environment, allies may want more autonomy but still prefer to build it with U.S. systems and U.S. integration rather than alone.


The FMS program is the U.S. government's primary mechanism for selling American defense equipment, services and training to foreign partners through government-to-government agreements, rather than direct commercial deals between companies and foreign militaries. Under the model, the U.S. government approves the sale, negotiates with industry, manages delivery and often provides training and sustainment. Oversight sits with the State Department and execution with the Defense Department.


'Allied by design' not just a slogan


U.S. Space Force leaders routinely describe space as the "ultimate team sport," and the service last year rolled out a strategy aimed at tighter cooperation with allies, including aligning requirements early so systems are "allied by design."


These are not just slogans, said Rich Saxon, director of the Space Systems Command's international affairs office. Speaking last month at an industry conference in Los Angeles, Saxon said demand for space-related FMS cases is rising fast enough that his office is hiring additional staff to keep up.


People have joked about "allied by design," Saxon said. But the Space Force is taking the concept seriously as "allies need to be considered and brought into the acquisition fold earlier to align requirements, standards, facilitate seamless joint operations and enhance U.S. and allied space capabilities."


The Space Systems Command serves as the focal point for space-related FMS and space security cooperation. Saxon said his office manages 199 active space FMS cases with 38 countries, totaling more than $1 billion.


"It's a large figure that will become significantly larger with some of the cases that we have on the horizon," Saxon said. "It's an incredible revenue stream for the U.S. government and for our industry partners, and shows how much of an opportunity there is for industry in space FMS."


From GPS to space control


Most of today's space FMS portfolio remains anchored in familiar systems such as GPS receivers and satellite communications. But Saxon said allied demand is increasingly shifting toward technologies tied to "space control," the Space Force's term for protecting friendly space systems and denying adversaries the ability to use theirs.


A case in point is the decision to make Meadowlands, an electronic satellite jammer built by L3Harris, exportable to close allies through FMS. Meadowlands is a non-kinetic, reversible counter-space system designed to disrupt or deny satellite communications without physically damaging spacecraft or creating debris.


The move is notable as the U.S. typically does not open highly sensitive counter-space capabilities to export unless it believes allied use will strengthen deterrence rather than dilute it. It also reflects a broader shift: allies are no longer just shopping for satellites and launch services, but for more specialized space warfare tools.


Zayd Al-Marayati, chief of the FMS division within SSC International Affairs, said the office is actively trying to expand its workforce to meet rising demand. He recently received approval to fill 26 new, dedicated FMS positions.


"I'm feeling more optimistic recently about eventually getting the resources we need," Al-Marayati said. "Our goal is to proliferate capability to our allies by whichever means necessary, as long as it's in accordance with law and policy."


Shaping the market


From a U.S. policy perspective, there is a strategic calculation behind the push. If allies are going to pursue space-control capabilities anyway — likely driven by Russian interference with satellites — Washington would rather shape that market. FMS provides standards, interoperability and a degree of oversight.


Saxon said his office coordinated deliveries of low-Earth-orbit satellite communications to Ukraine under a $150 million contract that he described as a "special type of FMS case funded by third-party allies to accelerate the procurement of defense articles and services for Ukraine."


The SSC international office has also helped an undisclosed European ally establish its own space operations center to improve access to satellite data and analysis, supported expansion of the Space Force's Joint Commercial Operations cell — now involving 20 member countries — and worked with a South American partner to enhance space domain awareness using deployable optical telescopes across strategic locations in the region.


Trump releases arms-transfer policy


The White House, meanwhile, published a new executive order on Friday establishing an "America First Arms Transfer Strategy."


The policy is directed at federal agencies including Defense, State and Commerce and aims to prioritize arms sales to partners that have invested in their own defense, strengthen the domestic industrial base, bolster supply chains and streamline the FMS process. It calls for a catalog of prioritized weapons and systems and seeks efficiencies in monitoring and third-party transfer procedures.



FROM SPACENEWS

Read the cover story from the February issue of SpaceNews

Exodus: The shrinking federal space workforce: At least 5,000 federal workers left their positions in the U.S. space workforce last year. Senior executives with decades of experience retired alongside younger staffers whose posts were eliminated or who sought opportunities in the private sector or academia. Read SpaceNews correspondent Debra Werner's conversations with former officials from NASA, NOAA, the Air Force Research Laboratory, NGA and Space Systems Command.

FY26 deal secures Space Force funding as Hill eyes new reconciliation push


Congress finally cleared the fiscal year 2026 appropriations process, approving and sending to the president an omnibus spending bill that provides $838.7 billion for the Pentagon. The measure passed Feb. 3 gives the U.S. Space Force $26.1 billion, matching the administration's request and ending months of uncertainty driven by stop-gap funding and negotiations.


Overall defense funding in the package comes in about $8.4 billion above the administration's request, reflecting a broader White House–Senate Democratic agreement that pushed Department of Homeland Security funding into a separate short-term continuing resolution. 


For the Space Force, the $26.1 billion appropriation does not capture the full scope of its funding. The service is also drawing on mandatory defense spending approved last year through the reconciliation package known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, enacted July 4, 2025. 


Of roughly $150 billion in defense funding provided by that law, about $13.8 billion is being counted toward the Space Force's fiscal 2026 budget picture — primarily to support missile defense satellite systems tied to the administration's proposed Golden Dome layered missile defense architecture. When those mandatory funds are added to the base appropriation, the Space Force's planned resources for 2026 approach $40 billion.


That split funding structure means that some key programs, particularly missile defense satellites, are being financed outside the annual appropriations process, complicating oversight and long-term planning.


With fiscal year 2026 funding now settled, another fight over defense spending is shifting to reconciliation as congressional defense hawks are already signaling they again will push for more military funding. 


House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers said he is working with Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Roger Wicker to pursue $450 billion in defense funding through a new reconciliation effort. That figure would triple the funding secured for defense in last year's reconciliation law and is aimed at reaching President Donald Trump's stated goal of a $1.5 trillion defense budget in fiscal year 2027.


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GNSS Integration Shouldn't Mean Going It Alone

U.‌S.‌-engineered OEM GNSS receivers and antenna systems for in-orbit platforms.‌  ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌...